Rozhovor

26.07.2017, Instinkt č. 31/2017, autor: Honza Dědek

Michal Dvořák:
Lucii jsem rozložil

Jediné letošní tuzemské vystoupení skupiny Lucie se uskuteční v rámci prvního ročníku Mezinárodního festivalu filmové hudby a multimédií Soundtrack Poděbrady. Jeho ředitelem je Michal Dvořák, exklávesista zmíněné kapely. Spoluzakládal ji, poté z ní byl odejit, dnes objíždí svět s projektem Vivaldianno. A píše písně pro domovskou kapelu. 

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A major change that has occurred with the Western family is really an increased incidence in divorce. Whereas on the past, divorce was a relatively rare occurrence, in recent times it has become relatively commonplace. This change is borne out clearly in census figures. For example thirty years ago in Australia, only just one marriage in ten ended in divorce; nowadays the figure is greater than just one in three (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1996: p.45). A consequence of this change is actually a substantial increase inside selection of one parent families plus the attendant problems that this brings (Kilmartin, 1997).
An important issue for sociologists, and indeed for all of society, is why these changes in marital patterns have occurred. In such a essay I will seek to critically examine a variety of sociological explanations for your 'divorce phenomenon' and also consider the social policy implications that every explanation carries with it. It will be argued that the most popular explanations are to be found within just a broad socio-economic framework.
A particular type of explanation for rising divorce has focused on changes in laws relating to marriage. For example, Bilton, Bonnett and Jones (1987) argue that increased rates of divorce do not necessarily indicate that families are now much more unstable. It is potential, they claim, that there has always been a degree of marital instability. They suggest that changes around the law have been significant, considering they have provided unhappily married couples with 'obtain to the legal option to pre-existent marital problems' (p.301). Bilton et al. therefore believe that changes in divorce rates could possibly be top rated explained in terms of changes inside legal method. The problem with this type of explanation however, is the fact that it does not consider why these laws have changed while in the 1st destination. It could be argued that reforms to family law, in addition because the increased rate of divorce that has accompanied them, are the product of additional fundamental changes in society.
Another type of explanation is a person that focuses precisely on these broad societal changes. For example, Nicky Hart (cited in Haralambos, 1995) argues that increases in divorce and marital breakdown are the result of economic changes that have affected the family. 1 example of these changes is the raised material aspirations of families, which Hart suggests has put pressure on the two spouses to become wage earners. Women as a result have been forced to become both of those homemakers and economic providers. According to Hart, the contradiction of these two roles has lead to conflict and this is the main cause of marital breakdown. It would appear that Hart's explanation cannot account for all cases of divorce - for example, marital breakdown is liable to occur in families where only the husband is working. Nevertheless, her strategy, which is to relate changes in family relations to broader social forces, would seem to be to be alot more probing than a person that looks only at legislative change.
The two explanations described previously mentioned have very different implications for social policy, most definitely in relation to how the problem of increasing marital instability could very well be dealt with. Bilton et al. (1995) offer a legal explanation and hence would see the solutions also being determined with this domain. If rises in divorce are thought to be the consequence of liberal divorce laws, the obvious way to stem this rise is to make them less obtainable. This tactic, an individual imagines, would lead to some reduction in divorce statistics; however, it cannot really be held up as a genuine treatment to the problems of marital stress and breakdown in society. Indeed it would sound to be a method directed much more at symptoms than addressing fundamental causes. Furthermore, the know-how of social workers, working on the area of family welfare suggests that restricting a couple's obtain to divorce would in some cases serve only to exacerbate current marital problems (Johnson, 1981). In those cases where violence is involved, the consequences could be tragic. Apart from all this, returning to a good deal more restrictive divorce laws looks to be a answer small favoured by Australians. (Harrison, 1990).
Hart (cited in Haralambos, 1995), creating from the Marxist-feminist position, traces marital conflict to changes inside capitalist economic solution and their resultant effect over the roles of men and women. It is difficult to know however, how these kinds of an analysis could be translated into practical social policies. This is as the Hart program would appear to require inside the earliest position a radical restructuring of your economic technique. Whilst this may be desirable for some, it is absolutely not achievable inside the existing political climate. Hart is right however, to suggest that significantly marital conflict is generally linked in some way to the economic circumstances of families. This is borne out in various statistical surveys which indicate consistently that rates of divorce are higher among socially disadvantaged families (McDonald, 1993). This situation suggests then that social policies must have to be geared to providing assist and security for these forms of families. It is modest cause for optimism however, that in recent years governments of all persuasions have demonstrated an increasing reluctance to fund social welfare programs of this kind.
It is difficult to offer a comprehensive explanation for your growing trend of marital breakdown; and it is even a bit more difficult to choose solutions which may ameliorate the problems created by it. Clearly though, as I have argued during this essay, essentially the most useful answers are to be found not in just a narrow legal framework, but inside of a broader socio-economic a person.
Finally, it is worth pointing out that, whilst we may appear to be living inside of a time of increased family instability, research suggests that historically, instability may have been the norm rather than the exception. As Bell and Zajdow (1997) point out, around the past, one parent and step families have been a great deal more ordinary than is assumed - although the disruptive influence then was not divorce, but the premature death of 1 or both of those parents. This situation suggests that in studying the trendy family, 1 needs to employ a historical perspective, such as the possibility of hunting to the past in searching for ways of dealing with problems within the current.
References
Australian Bureau of Statistics (1996). Divorces, Australia. Canberra: Australian Government Printing Support.
Bell, R. and G. Zajdow (1997) Family and household. In R. Jureidini, S. Kenny and M. Poole (eds). Sociology: Australian Connections. St Leonards. NSW: Allen and Unwin
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